Finding Mercia

The Anglo-Saxons can feel very remote. It’s nearly 1000 years since that period ended with Harold’s defeat at Hastings, and the Angles, Saxons, Jutes and others had first made their mark on England some 600 years before that. Luckily we have some written sources for the period - Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for example - and we have archaeological evidence. And there is certainly a wealth of it, including famously the Staffordshire Hoard and the Sutton Hoo burial. So many of the buildings though, because they were made of wood, perished, just like the ship at Sutton Hoo. Archaeologists often only find post holes, from which, admittedly, they are able to reconstruct the great halls and smaller buildings.

So it’s a rare bonus when we find stone buildings from the period. They are almost always churches rather than secular dwellings, but they can still link us to individuals. And in Deerhurst, Gloucestershire, you get a ‘two-fer’(two-for-one): St Mary’s Priory Church and Odda’s Chapel. These are especially significant for me because I mainly write about the Mercians, and Gloucestershire was in Mercia. Deerhurst, though, was originally in the kingdom of the Hwicce, a people whose origins are obscure. Indeed, we are not even entirely sure where the Mercians came from, or what their name means. It derives from Myrcna, meaning people of the march, or border. But it might be a name used by others to describe them and we’re not even sure whether it means the border between England and Wales, or between Mercia and the northern kingdom of Northumbria. What is certain is that aside from their core lands, north and south of the River Trent, they expanded by absorbing smaller kingdoms and tribes, such as the Hwicce. From the outset, the Mercians were different. Not because they absorbed other kingdoms (although they may have done it less forcefully than others), but because they continued to recognise these tribes and erstwhile monarchies; in the seventh century, Osric of the Hwicce was styled ‘sub-king’. In the later period, Mercian ealdormen tended to be leaders of local areas, rather than appointed by the king. One of the most famous Mercians, King Penda, remained resolutely pagan when all about him were converting to Christianity, although he was religiously tolerant, allowing Christian preachers to spread the Word in Mercia. Mercians retained a sense of national identity, despite their tribal make-up, and even after Mercia had been absorbed into the greater kingdom of Wessex and no longer had kings, they still had a voice; in three succession disputes, the Mercians voted for the winning candidate. Perhaps the most famous Mercian leader was Æthelflæd. She had Mercian blood through her mother, and her father was Alfred the Great, king of Wessex, but her husband was a Mercian, a mysterious man named Æthelred, and it is thought that he might have had links with the Hwicce.

Although they were both buried at St Oswald's Priory, Gloucester, Deerhurst Priory Church was in the very heart of Hwicce lands, and it’s perfectly possible that Æthelflæd and her husband worshipped in this church, which is still used today. To sit in that ancient building, where people have worshipped for over 1000 years, is really to feel a connection to the past. Æthelflæd was never a queen, but after her husband’s death she continued to work alongside her brother the king of Wessex, to fight back against the invading ‘Vikings’ and limit their expansion. After her death, her daughter was deposed and Mercia was absorbed into Wessex. But many Mercians were wielders of great power. Eadric Streona was one such, although he changed sides so much during the wars between Edmund Ironside of Wessex and Cnut that he is notorious rather than famous. Lady Godiva was a Mercian, too, although whether you believe the story of her naked horseback ride is up to you. (I don’t!) There had been earlier powerful women in Mercia. The wife of King Offa (he who famously built the dyke) was Cynethryth, the only known woman to have coins minted in her name. Another was King Cenwulf’s daughter, a powerful abbess who took on the might of Canterbury and Rome and fought to keep control of her abbeys. She lost the abbeys in Kent, but held onto Winchcombe, in her family’s heartlands. Yet she paid a price; it was said that she arranged the killing of her brother. It’s a rather unbelievable tale, involving a dove dropping a message on the altar of St Peter’s in Rome, saying where the body was hidden, and of her eyes falling out when she tried to cast a spell, but it’s a good tale nonetheless.

  

A very short walk from the priory church is Odda’s Chapel. In 1675 a tree fell down in the orchard outside a half-timbered manor house, revealing an inscription stone embedded in its roots. The stone recorded - in Latin - the founding of a chapel by Odda in remembrance of his brother, Ælfric, who had died in 1053. In the nineteenth century renovations to the house revealed the chapel, which had been incorporated into the later building.

It was thought by some that Odda was related to another influential ealdorman of Mercia, whose name was Ælfhere, and that Odda was his grandson. I’ve researched the life of Ælfhere, who was named as one of the three leading noblemen during King Edgar's reign, for fiction and nonfiction and he seems to have died childless. Odda was more likely to have been related to Æthelweard the Chronicler, ealdorman of the Western shires, who was descended from King Æthelred I, Alfred the Great’s brother. From the seventh to the eleventh centuries, Mercia and its inhabitants played a key role in the history and politics of what came to be known as England. Sitting in the priory church, or visiting Odda’s chapel, it is possible to feel a very strong connection to these people who lived so long ago, but left behind something tangible, to remind us that they were there. Photos: ©Annie-Whitehead Author: Annie-Whitehead Bio: Annie is an author and historian, a member of the Royal Historical Society and of the Historical Writers’ Association. Her first novel, To Be A Queen, chronicles the life of Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians, who ruled a country in all but name, and her second, Alvar the Kingmaker, tells the story of Earl Alvar (Ælfhere), who served King Edgar and his son Æthelred the Unready, who were both embroiled in murderous scandals. Her third novel, Cometh the Hour, charts the life of King Penda. She was a contributor to the anthology 1066 Turned Upside Down, is the recipient of various awards for her novels and has also won awards for her nonfiction essays. She won the inaugural Dorothy Dunnett Society Short Story Competition. Her first full-length nonfiction book, Mercia: The Rise and Fall of a Kingdom was published by Amberley Books in Sep 2018 and a new book, Women of Power in Anglo-Saxon England, will be published by Pen & Sword Books in May 2020. 

 

Website: anniewhiteheadauthor.co.uk Blog: Casting Light upon the Shadow Amazon: http://viewauthor.at/Annie-Whitehead

The Church of St Laurence – Bradford-on-Avon ‘A Hidden Jewel’

Erected in the historic town of Bradford-on-Avon lies a ‘hidden jewel’ of the west country of England, its style of architecture is from a time that is mostly forgotten by the average citizen. Bradford’s ‘hidden jewel’ is a church dedicated to St Laurence; one of the seven deacons of Rome, and was martyred in the persecution of the Christians that the Roman Emperor Valerian ordered in 258 AD. However, St Laurence has become a happy surprise for an Anglo-Saxon enthusiast, as England is not blessed with an abundance of surviving Anglo-Saxon buildings, especial one in this good condition. Though this archaic building has had some restoration over the years, it is still remarkable how much has survived and this church dedicated to St Laurence is England’s most completed Anglo-Saxon building of its type. Bradford-on-Avon (also known as Bradford-upon-Avon) is 8 miles southeast of Bath in the county of Wiltshire. The centre of the town grew up around the ford across the river Avon, hence the origin of the town's name "Broad-Ford". The town is first mention in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle under the year 652 AD when Cenwalh, the West Saxon king of Wessex, is reported to have fought a battle at Bradanforda be Afne. However, the chronicle gives no detail about who he fought or what the outcome of the battle was. Historians speculate Cenwalh fought either the native Celtic Britons or the Angles of the kingdom of Mercia. Until England became unified, Bradford was right on the frontier between the kingdoms of Wessex and Mercia. The lack of surviving Anglo-Saxon buildings was due to most of them being constructed with timber and thatched roofing. Perpetual internal warfare and the invasions from the Norsemen (Vikings) consequently led to many towns or cities being destroyed and burnt to the ground – despite the restoration of destroyed settlements, wood buildings in general do not survive from this period. The surviving Ecclesiastical buildings, however, are constructed out of stone and brick, except for one timber church, and in some cases show evidence of re-used Roman work. At least fifty churches are of Anglo-Saxon in origin with having major architectural features, although in some cases the Anglo-Saxon part is small and noticeably altered. After the conquering by the Anglo-Saxons you would expect them to live within the old Roman cities, but they were essentially agrarian people who preferred to build small towns near their centres of agriculture; fords across rivers and sea ports for trading and fishing.

St Laurence is a well-preserved example of an Anglo-Saxon church-building before the Norman conquest had stamped their style throughout England; it’s tall and narrow with small windows, these characteristics are unmistakably Anglo-Saxon. St Laurence has a nave, chancel and a porticus (porch-wing) on the northern side and a probable southern porticus, which seems to have had an underground room that was replaced at some time before the beginning of the 19th century. On the left side of the below photographs is the north porticus. The right side shows the outline of the south porticus.

Historian William of Malmesbury, who was the foremost historian of his time in the early 12th century, documents the church of St Laurence still standing in the 1120’s. Though he thought it dated back to the time of St Aldhelm (d. 709 AD) who was a relative of king Ine of Wessex and a renowned scholar of his time. In 675 AD, Aldhelm was appointed the first Abbot of Malmesbury and around 705 AD, was also appointed to the bishop of Sherborne. His elevated reputation enticed scholars from far and wide, and they travelled great distances to learn from him at his school in the abbey of Malmesbury. Furthermore, Aldhelm founded two other monasteries as centres of learning at Frome, Somerset and Bradford-on-Avon, Wiltshire. St Laurence is regarded as his and may have been part of the location of his monastery at Bradford, which was located parallel to St Laurence, but is replaced by today’s Holy Trinity parish church from the 12th century. Aldhelm’s reputation even graced the court of Pope Sergius I, where he graciously accepted an invitation to travel to the centre of western Christendom at Rome. A charter from king Æthelred the Unready (Æthelred II) granted Bradford to the nuns of Shaftesbury Abbey in 1001 AD, and it is believed St Laurence was designed to house relics of king Æthelred’s half-brother, king Edward the Martyr, who was originally housed with the nuns at Shaftesbury Abbey - the custodians of his body. Æthelred’s charter would suggest that St Laurence coincided with the above dates of its architectural style, rather than William of Malmesbury’s reported original date (around 700 AD). This might help explain why such a small grand building was erected. Although the existing church seems all or almost all Anglo-Saxon, some of its restorations included removing of stairs inside and filling in some windows.  

 

Some time later St Laurence was lost amidst other buildings including a school master house and only came to notice again in the nineteenth century, when it was rediscovered in 1856 and restored in 1870 to 1880. After some restorations, the church once again became used as a place of worship and was designated a grade I listed building in 1952. Today, St Laurence is used as part of the congregation of Holy Trinity church and hosts a couple sermons a week; other Christian groups use its premises as well. Apart from the Church of St Laurence, Bradford-on-Avon has numerous buildings of historical significance to offer, and I encourage you to make the journey to this little town, where I know you’ll find great solace in stumbling across the ‘Hidden Jewel’ of the west. Though tucked away in Bradford’s town centre, St Laurence’s shadow casts a big reminder to us all that we still have a profound connection to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors.. Author/ Photos:  Jimmer of Wessex Opening times:

Winter (Oct - March)	Summer (Apr - Sept)
Opening: 10am	Opening: 10am
Closing: 4pm	Closing: 6pm

Cerdic - The Forefather of a Dynasty

Cerdic is the progenitor of the royal House of Wessex from the heptarchy Kingdom of the same name. The House of Wessex is also referred by its less common name “the House of Cerdic” where Cerdic’s descendants were originally known as the Cerdicingas dynasty. This royal dynasty shaped the landscape of secular and ecclesiastical society of Anglo-Saxon England, most notably Alfred the Great. This emerging powerhouse led to the unification of the heptarchy kingdoms and henceforth became known as the Kingdom of England from 924 AD. Cerdic is regarded as Wessex’s first king, reigning from 519 to 534 AD. According to tradition in the Anglo-Saxons Chronicles (ASC), which was commissioned by Cerdic’s descendant Alfred the Great, records Cerdic and his young son Cynric, with their Saxon kinsmen and possibly some Jutish companions, landed on the south coast at Cerdices ora (Cerdic’s shore) in Hampshire in 495 AD, with a small fleet of five ships. The location is believed to be the vicinity of Southampton where they fought against the ‘welsh’ the same day. In those days ‘welsh’ meant foreign to an Anglo-Saxon, which means Cerdic most likely fought the Celtic tribe of the Belgae - as Hampshire is part of their territory. Though it is more likely that Cerdic’s invasion force took over the local Jutish and Saxons who were already settled there and referred to themselves as the Westseaxe (West Saxons). The conquest of the Westseaxe is between the years 495 to 501 AD. After Westseaxe became absorbed into Cerdic’s forces, Cerdic set his ambition for expansion to the neighboring territory of modern Wiltshire, occupied by the Saxons of Wiltshire known as the Wiltsaete or Wilsaetas. Though these Saxons appear to have settled into the same territory, either independently as a result of the decaying Celtic Britons defensive situation or as part of Cerdic’s invasion. British archeologist and librarian of the Bodleian library of Oxford, J.N.L Myres, notes that the ASC describes Cerdic as an ealdorman, a term which originally applied to a man of high status, including some of royal birth, who had authority, both civil and military, over a specific territory forming part of a kingdom which was independent from a king. Myres remarks that,

“It is thus odd to find it used here to describe the leaders of what purports to be an independent band of invaders, whose origins and authority are not otherwise specified. It looks very much as if a hint is being conveyed that Cerdic and his people owed their standing to having been already concerned with administrative affairs under Roman authority on this part of the Saxon Shore.”

Note: ‘Saxon shore’ is the terminology describing a network of Roman fortifications that followed both sides of the English Channel.

Image: By John Speed - John Speed's Saxon Heptarchy map, from his Theatre. Online at http://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/PR-ATLAS-00002-00061-00001/1, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=2233358

Furthermore, Cerdic’s name is believed by scholars to be Brittonic, rather than Germanic in origin and its been suggested that Cerdic is in fact half Briton (Celtic) possibly Belgae on his mother side and half Germanic (Saxon). Summing up, Myres believed that,

“It is thus possible ... to think of Cerdic as the head of a partly British noble family with extensive territorial interests at the western end of the Litus Saxonicum (Saxon Shore). As such he may well have been entrusted in the last days of Roman, or sub-Roman authority with its defence. He would then be what in later Anglo-Saxon terminology could be described as an ealdorman. ... If such a dominant native family as that of Cerdic had already developed blood-relationships with existing Saxon and Jutish settlers at this end of the Saxon Shore, it could very well be tempted, once effective Roman authority had faded, to go further. It might have taken matters into its own hands and after eliminating any surviving pockets of resistance by competing British chieftains, such as the mysterious Natanleod of annal 508, it could 'begin to reign' without recognizing in future any superior authority.”

Natanleod was a king of the Britons and was slayed by Cerdic and his son Cynric in the year of 508 AD. They slaughtered five thousand of his men during this battle. Afterwards this area was known as Natan-lea, commonly identified with Netley Marsh in Hampshire, just to the south-east of Southampton. Six years later in 514 AD, three ships of Westseaxe landed once again at Cerdics-ore. On board were two nephews of Cerdic, named Stuf and Whitgar, who fought against the Britons upon their arrival and put them to flight. After Cerdic’s expansion into Wiltshire, he turned his sights towards the Isle of Wight and conquered the island in 530 AD, slaying many men at Wihtgaraesburh. The location is commonly Identified with Carisbrooke, on the south-west outskirts of Newport. After the death of Cerdic in 534 AD, the Jutish Isle of Wight was given to his nephews Stuf and Wihtgar to rule, where his son Cynric ascended to the throne and expanded Wessex’s territory. In the manuscripts of the royal genealogies, which are collectively referred to as the ‘Anglo-Saxon royal genealogies’, records Cerdic as being a direct descendant of the Germanic God Wōden, or more commonly known in Norse mythology as Odin. The pedigree of some manuscripts also traces Cerdic’s linage to the beginning of the antediluvian patriarchs. However, many royal families of the Anglo-Saxons claim their lineage to Wōden, and scholars have noted discrepancies in the Wessex pedigree tradition, where they believe Cerdic’s linage is somewhat elaborated or borrowed from the Anglian kings of Bernicia’s royal pedigree. As stated above, the ASC was commissioned by Alfred the Great, and we can argue that this manuscript was pro-Wessex where some of its contents is bias towards Alfred’s royal dynasty. Regardless if you believe the Wōden connection to be true, it still makes a nice story that our Anglo-Saxon royal families descended from the stock of the Gods. Giwis is recorded as the great-grandfather of Cerdic, a name relating to the Saxon tribe called Gewisse (Gewissae). The conquests by the royal house of Gewisse in the 7th and 8th centuries led to the establishment of the Kingdom of Wessex. Notable works (completed in 731 AD) from historian and Benedictine monk Bede (Bǣda), treats Gewisse and Wessex as interchangeable words and during the reign of king Cædwalla, 685 to 688 AD (a descendant of Cerdic) began to replace the title “king of the Gewisse” with “king of the Saxons”. However, Kenneth Sisam and David Dumville believed the House of Wessex co-opted the Bernicia ancestry to reflect the 7th century political alliance, and the Wessex royal pedigree went no earlier than Cerdic. We can see why Cerdic’s story is shrouded in mystery, like most of the early Anglo-Saxon kings, but nevertheless, Cerdic is regarded as a legendary figure and to some semi-mythical, as Cerdic has also been connected to the legend of King Arthur. However, descent from Cerdic became a necessary criterion for future kings of Wessex, the forefather of a Dynasty. Author: Jimmer of Wessex

The Witenagemot - The Backbone of Monarchs

source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Witan_hexateuch.jpg#file 

 

 

 

The Witenagemot was an advisory council from the Anglo-Saxon ruling class whose duty was to counsel their kingdoms monarch, in which contained mostly kings. They only assembled when summoned and answered to the monarch directly. It was considered treason if the Witenagemot assembled without the approval of the monarch. There was no official fixed location where the Witenagemot would convene, unlike the world governments of today. For example, the UK parliament assembly is held at Westminster; whereas the Witenagemot usually convened wherever their monarch resided – there are, at present, 116 known locations, including Amesbury, Calne, Cheddar, Gloucester, London and Winchester. The meeting places were often on royal estates, but some Witenagemots were convened in the open at prominent rocks, hills, meadows, and sacred groves. Witenagemot is Old English but was spelt witena ġemōt, which can mean “man of knowledge” or “meeting of wise men”. 

The members of the Witenagemot were more commonly titled as a Witan and would advise on matters regarding the administration and organization of its kingdom, which included dealing with issues such as taxation, jurisprudence, diplomacy, and the security of internal and external affairs. Though they had a substantial variety of powers, they also had some major limitations as well, such as a lack of fixed procedure, schedule, or meeting place. In an event of interregnum, the Witenagemot would prevent autocracy and held unique powers in which they could elect their next king, known as ceosan to cyninge, 'to choose the king' from amongst the (extended) royal family. However, once their king was elected the Witenagemot ultimately was answerable to the king. Historian Felix Liebermann quoted a testimony from abbot Ælfric of Eynsham (born c. 955 AD)from his research in ‘The National Assembly in the Anglo-Saxon Period’:

"No man can make himself king, but the people has the choice to choose as king whom they please; but after he is consecrated as king, he then has dominion over the people, and they cannot shake his yoke off their necks."

The royal line of succession generally followed the system of primogeniture (first born son to inherit), the Witan’s role in the election of monarchs derive from the ancient tradition and laws of their Germanic ancestors, which varied from tribe to tribe and later evolved into kingdoms. They believed in following strength and if the tribal leader or king failed to show strong leadership, then the tribe had the authority to dispose and elect a new leader. These ancient Germanic general assemblies were the forerunner of the Witenagemots and were known as folkmoot or folkmote (Old English: folk meeting). Although the Witans were answerable to the king, just like their predecessors, they also had the powers to depose an unpopular or weak king. Segeberht of Wessex in 757 AD and Alhred of Northampton in 744 AD are prime examples of this. The Witans were comprised of the kingdom’s most important noblemen, both ecclesiastic and secular. In England, by the 7^thcentury, these ancient folkmoots had developed into convocations of the land’s most powerful and important people, including ealdormen, thegns, and senior clergy, to discuss matters of both national and local importance and to witness royal grants of lands. However, the nature of these assemblies irrevocably changed when Christianity was introduced, circa 600 AD. The conversion to Christianity resulted in a unique relationship between church and state and for the most part was indissolubly intertwined. This strong ecclesiastical element from members of the Witenagemots reflected in the records and decisions made by Witans encompassing ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction alike.  The first recorded act of a Witenagemot was the law code issued by King Æthelberht of Kent c. 600 AD, the earliest document which survives in sustained Old English prose; however, the Witan was certainly in existence long before this time. Altogether, about 2000 charters and 40 law codes survive which attest to the workings of the various meetings of the Witan, of which there are around 300 recorded.

Artist: William Henry Margetson 

Source:  From the book "The Church of England" - A History For The People 

Author: Rev Henry Donald Maurice Spence (private book collection)

These documents clearly indicate that the Witan was comprised of the nation's highest echelon of both ecclesiastical and secular society, as previously stated above. Present on the ecclesiastical side were archbishops, bishops, and abbots, and occasionally also included abbesses and priests; on the secular side, ealdormen (or eorls in the latter centuries) and thegns. Members of the royal family were also present, and the king presided over the entire body. In some cases, weak kings such as Æthelred the Unreadywere dependent on the witenagemot, while others used it as simply a group of advisers. The powers that the Witans possessed are illustrated in the events surrounding Æthelredthe Unready. In the year 1013 AD, Æthelred fled England from Sweyn Forkbeard, who then had the Witan proclaim him king. However, Sweyn died shortly after which led the Witenagemot to call Æthelred back to England. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the Witenagemot would only receive him back under the condition that he promise to rule better than he had. Æthelred did so, and was reinstated as King of England. His nickname of the 'Unræd' or 'Unready' means ill-advised, indicating that contemporaries regarded those who sat in the Witenagemot were in part responsible for the failure of his reign. Until the unification of England from the 10^th century by the Kingdom of Wessex, each kingdom had their own Witenagemot. Although in general the Witans were recognized as the king's closest advisors and policy-makers, various Witans also operated in other capacities; there are mentions of þeodwitan, 'people's witan', Angolcynnes witan, 'England's witan', and an Anglo-Saxon Archbishop of York, Wulfstan II(appointed in 1002 AD), wrote that "it is incumbent on bishops, that venerable Witan always travel with them, and dwell with them, at least of the priesthood; and that they may consult with them .. and who may be their counsellors at every time." The Witenagemot ended when the Normans invaded in 1066 AD and replaced the assemblies with the curia regis, or king’s court. However, the local Witans continued to meet until as late as 1067 AD with the curia regis continuing to be dubbed a “Witan” by chroniclers until as late as the 12^th century. Author: Jimmer of Wessex

Wuffingas Dynasty - The Wolf Kings of East Anglia

When most people think of notable Anglo-Saxon lineages, they either think of Wessex's Cerdicing dynasty or the Iclingas dynasty of Mercia. The lesser-known Wuffingas were a dynastic line that founded and ruled over the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of East Anglia from the 6th-8th century. The dynasty would start as a conquering Pagan tribe in an unfamiliar land and end as a royal Christian house in a unified and peaceful realm. Though their reign experienced strife and loss, they would build East Anglia's foundations through economic enterprise, religious reform and cultural progression. The Wuffingas would produce some of the most significant historical figures, early literary works and later landmarks for modern archaeological discoveries. Compared to other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, East Anglia's historical timeline is vague and mysterious. To understand this occurrence, we must look to 865, when no king from the Wuffingas line had sat on the throne for over a century. At this point, the now Christianised Anglo-Saxons had to withstand an invasion from a Pagan force⁠. This foreign menace came from Scandinavia, and they were known as the Vikings. Their contingent, which was predominately made up of Danes, would be referred to by contemporary Anglo-Saxon scholars as the 'Great Heathen Army'. The Vikings mainly started their occupation in the East of England (Northumbria and East Anglia). At the time, it was the clergy's duty to scribe and record accounts of domestic events and noteworthy inhabitants. The clergy were also tasked with storing essential documents inside churches, monasteries and abbeys. The majority of these religious sites were burnt and destroyed during the Viking sack of East Anglia, resulting in many historical scriptures being lost or destroyed. During this epoch, the ruler of the East Angles was King Edmund. He would later be known as Saint Edmund the Martyr after being executed and beheaded by Viking marauders for championing the Christian faith. Legend has it that Edmund's executioners then discarded his dismembered head in a forest; a local search party recovered the head with the assistance of a talking wolf. The wolf is an animal that is synonymous with the Wuffingas. Perhaps the creation of this legend was a subtle homage. Like the 9th century Vikings, the first Pagan Anglo-Saxons to arrive in Britain during 449 conducted a purge upon the predominately Christian Romano-Britons. The land's easterly region was initially populated by the native Britons of the Celtic Iceni and Trinovantes peoples. Among them would have been remnants, both genetically and culturally, from the Roman occupation, which lasted from 43 to 410. Like many Britons during the 5th century, they would either be expelled or subjugated by the invading Germanic tribes of Angles (from Anglia, Germany), Saxons (from Old Saxony, Germany), Jutes (from Jutland, Denmark and Germany) and Frisians (from Frisia, Netherlands). The first of these tribal warbands would swiftly conquer and settle the coastline of the modern county of Suffolk; they would subsequently push further inland to cover the area which would later become East Anglia. Being some of the first Anglo-Saxon settlers to reside in Britain, it would be safe to surmise that the East Angles would have spoken the first and earliest form of Old English in Britain. East Anglia's terrain is marshy, with low-lying meadows and over 90 miles of coastline covering its eastern boundaries, making it an ideal environment for agriculture and fishing. The kingdom covered the now English counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, along with parts of Cambridgeshire and The Fens. Norfolk refers to the 'North Folk' inhabitants of the realm, and Suffolk refers to the 'South Folk'. The first ostensible king of East Anglia was named Wehha, although some believe his son, Wuffa, was the first true king of the domain. Wehha's identity is uncertain as there are minimal sources about him from this protohistoric time. We can only assume he was a warlord or chieftain who arrived with the invasion force and founded a nation that would act as a home for the Angles (hence the name East Anglia) and other Germanic peoples. Both Wehha and Wuffa are viewed as semi-historical figures, but Wuffa would sow the seeds for a long-ruling dynasty inspired by his name: the Wuffingas. Old English translations of the name 'Wuffingas' vary from 'the kin of the wolf' to 'descendants of the wolf'. Like the wolf, members of this royal house would have to use cunning, unity and endurance to survive. [caption id="attachment_314" align="alignleft" width="304"] UK East Anglia counties map. Credit: johnwoodcock. Source: istock[/caption] It is believed Wuffa's reign began in 571 when he established his royal seat at Rendlæsham (Rendlesham, Suffolk): a base of authority and administration for future East Anglian monarchs. His son, Tytila, then succeeded Wuffa's crown. Like his father, details of Tytila and his reign are not fully known. He would sire two sons named Rædwald (or Redwald) and Eni. After he died in 616, his eldest son, Rædwald, would ascend to the throne. Rædwald's younger brother, Eni, would never become king, but his children would later influence East Anglia's history. Rædwald is considered to be one of the most famous historical Anglo-Saxon figures. His formative years on the throne would be under the overlordship of King Æthelberht of Kent, who held the title of Bretwalda (or Imperium) over the southern kingdoms. Bretwalda—which translates from Old English as 'Britain-ruler' or 'wide-ruler'—was a title bestowed upon an Anglo-Saxon monarch who acted as overlord for more than one domain. Through the guidance of Æthelberht, he would be the first East Anglian king to be baptised as a Christian. It is a common conjecture that many of his Pagan kin were unhappy with his conversion to Christianity, chiefly his wife, whose name is not indeed known. It is a general understanding that she was a Pagan princess from the Kingdom of Essex. She and her followers allegedly attempted to persuade him away from the faith. Caught between old traditions and new advancements, Rædwald did something unprecedented: he praised and preserved Christian and Pagan places of worship within his kingdom. This religious sentiment would set a precedent for Rædwald's oscillation between the two faiths throughout his life. Rædwald helped to defeat King Æthelfrith of Bernicia and Deira at the Battle of River Idle. During the battle, Æthelberht of Kent was slain; thus, Rædwald was made an honorary Bretwalda in his sted. As the new potentate over the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, he subsequently installed a puppet king named Edwin to sit on the throne of Bernicia and Deira (two realms that later amalgamated into Northumbria). Most of the large settlements in East Anglia were originally Roman foundations and structures. Rædwald would build the first major Anglo-Saxon settlement in the region by funding the development of the trading port of Gippeswic (now modern-day Ipswich, Suffolk). The construction of Gippeswic would put East Anglia on the map while setting in motion the region's trade with the rest of Britain, going as far as Northern Europe and even the Byzantine Empire! Rædwald's remarkable reign would come to an end after his death in 624. Rædwald is renowned for being the most plausible candidate for the Sutton Hoo ship barrow in modern-day Woodbridge, Suffolk. The cenotaph burial discovery of Sutton Hoo was made by an amateur archaeologist named Basil Brown in 1938 and would be the most famous Anglo-Saxon discovery of its kind. Inside the ship were gold and silver coins, jewellery and cutlery, alongside a lyre, a shield, a sword and the famous helmet—which has continually acted as an emblem for Anglo-Saxon culture. Only someone of Rædwald's high-standing could have received such a lavish contemporary funeral and memorial. [caption id="attachment_315" align="alignleft" width="296"] Sutton Hoo Anglo-Saxon Helmet. Credit: lightphoto. Source: istock[/caption] Rædwald had sired two sons in his lifetime; they were named Rægenhere and Eorpwald (or Earpwald). His eldest son, Rægenhere, perished at the Battle of River Idle. Eorpwald, the younger, would be crowned in 624. Eorpwald's reign was not as long and illustrious as his father's. Initially, King Edwin of Northumbria (the same man his father had put on the throne) would influence Eorpwald to convert to Christianity. Christianity was still a relatively new religion to the East Angles, with concepts that significantly differed from the old Pagan beliefs. Some saw this new faith as an opportunity to progress the dominion both culturally and politically; others saw it as an insult to the ancient Gods who their forefathers had served to build the East Anglian nation. Such negative sentiments towards these religious reforms became evident when a Pagan nobleman named Ricberht assassinated Eorpwald in 628. Eorpwald's legacy didn't end there: he would be the first English king to be murdered for his Christian beliefs and would later be revered as a martyr and saint by the Church. In a coup that year, Ricberht would take control of the kingdom and plunge it into a time of turmoil and instability. To have the temerity to commit such an act, Ricberht must have had support and sympathy from others within the royal court. He was likely of noble birth and a relative of Eorpwald. Still, we can not know for sure if he was officially crowned during his three-year subjugation of the land. Thankfully, it would not last, as he would be replaced by East Anglia's first joint ruling monarchs. The first of these two kings was named Sigeberht. Sigeberht's background is a complex one. It is feasible to infer that his step-father was Rædwald, and his mother was the same assumed Pagan princess who tried to sway the East Anglian court away from Rome's allure. Rædwald exiled Sigeberht to Gaul, which leads to the presumption that Rædwald saw him as an illegitimate threat to Eorpwald's claim to the throne. During Sigeberht's time in Gaul, he was baptised and educated himself with the teachings of Christ and other academic subjects—making him the first-ever English king to do so before his accession on the throne. Sigeberht returned from Gaul to replace Ricberht as ruler of the Angles. Sigeberht was famed for being a competent leader, both militarily and politically.  His innate qualities were obviously conducive to his swift accession and popularity within the kingdom. [caption id="attachment_316" align="alignleft" width="298"] Anglo-Saxon Sutton Hoo Warrior. Photographer: Rebecca Wilson. Source: Flickr, https://flic.kr/p/8k3EYy [/caption] The second king was named Ecgric (other sources perhaps refer to him as Æthilric). It is disputable whether Ecgric was the youngest son of Rædwald or the eldest son of Rædwald's brother, Eni. It was typical for some Anglo-Saxon realms to have two ruling kings. In the case of East Anglia during this period, it was a political masterstroke. Sigeberht was an astute Christian who had expelled a toxic and despised sovereign. Ecgric was a Pagan who was a legitimate member of the Wuffingas bloodline. This solution would have undoubtedly calmed tensions between specific social and religious demographics. We can surmise that the realm would have been divided into North Folk and South Folk, with each monarch given regional autonomy. Their joint coronations occurred during the year 630. Undoubtedly, Ricberht's ending was not a happy one. If he were lucky, he would have merely endured exile, but he likely either suffered death through execution or on the battlefield.   Sigeberht's initial royal proclamation was to replicate what he had seen in Gual by further establishing Christianity within his kingdom. He requested Felix of Burgundy (Saint Felix) to help him spread the word of God to the Angles. Sigeberht granted Felix ecclesiastical authority in Dommoc (Dunwich, Suffolk), making Felix East Anglia's first Bishop. At the time, Dommoc was of great significance because it was the kingdom's de facto capital. Sigeberht also welcomed into his domain the arrival of the Irish monk, Saint Fursey. Fursey would be allowed to build the Abbey of Cnobheresburg amidst an old Roman fort (most likely Burgh Castle, Norfolk). Sigerberht would likewise construct a monastery at Beodricesworth (Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk). He would encourage these new religious institutes to teach reading and writing to local children. [caption id="attachment_317" align="alignleft" width="427"] Warriors Celebrate Infront of Flames. Photographer: Sharon. Source: Flickr, https://flic.kr/p/24wLQJ [/caption] Sigeberht would later abdicate his throne in 634 to pursue the monastic life at Beodricesworth, which also made him the first English monarch to do so. Ecgric would take complete control of the realm that same year. In 636, the East Anglians would find their borders under threat from a hostile Mercian army led by its belligerent king named Penda. Ecgric and his subjects urgently requested Sigeberht to help them as he once did against Ricberht. Sigeberht refused, for his piety would not allow him to cause harm to others. However, he had no choice as Ecgric hauled him from his monastery to fight the Mercians. Sigeberht would have only provided moral support to Ecgric's warriors, as he declined the option of arming himself during the battle. King Penda, a fervent Pagan, would take full advantage of any Christian benevolence. When the two armies finally clashed, the Mercians would destroy the East Angles and slay Sigeberht and Ecgric. Though Ecgric's hereditary legacy would continue, Sigeberht would become an iconic pioneer of early Christianity in East Anglia. He was ordained as a saint for his religious commitments and would have an annual feast day on 29th October in his honour. In the aftermath of a Mercian victory, the Angles would still live to fight another day and see a Wuffingas family member wear their nation's crown. The kingdom's successor would be Anna (or Onna), who came into power somewhere between 636-640. He was the brother (or cousin) of Ecgric, and like Sigeberht, he was devoutly Christian. His royal seat was based at Exnyng (Exning, Suffolk), rooted near the border fortifications of Devils Dyke. These fortifications would have initially been Roman earthworks that spread across modern-day Cambridgeshire and Suffolk. At the time of Anna's reign, the Devil's Dyke was likely militarised in preparation for another Mercian invasion from Penda. Anna had five children who would all eventually be beatified by the Church. Anna even helped to spread and promote the Christian faith to other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. He converted the soon-to-be king Cenwalh of Wessex during his forced exile away from Penda's prevalent aggression. Upon Cnewalh's return, he would establish Christianity in his home kingdom of Wessex. Anna's daughter, Æthelthryth, married Prince (or Chief) Tondberct, who hailed from the Fenland Kingdom of South Gyrwe. Through this partnership, Anna was able to further expand his nation's borders into the Fenlands by incorporating the settlement of Eilig (Ely, Cambridgeshire). The marriage of his other daughter, Seaxburh, to King Eorcenberht of Kent secured Anna a powerful ally against the threat of Mercian aggression. Unfortunately, such preventive measures would not be enough as the troublesome Penda would again assault East Anglia's borders. In 651, the Mercians launched an assault on the Abbey of Cnobheresburg, home to many riches and relics. Anna arrived with his forces to aid the monks in evacuating any objects of worth. The monks of Cnobheresburg escaped but at a high cost. Penda defeated Anna and drove him into exile. Paradoxically, Anna spent his time exiled in Mercia; it was probably the last place his enemies expected him to be! Anna would return to East Anglia in 653. Not long after his return, he would have a final showdown with Penda at the Battle of Bulcamp (on the outskirts of Blythburgh, Suffolk). Alas, the East Angles inevitably lost to the Mericans, with Anna and his son, Jumin, slaughtered on the battlefield.

In 654, another of Eni's sons would inherit the crown of this war-weary nation. His name was Æthelhere, and he would have the shortest reign in East Anglian history. The circumstances to which Æthelhere was granted power were bleak. It is likely that Mercia gave the new king a join or die ultimatum. Æthelhere certainly appeased Penda by recognising him as an overlord, for in 654, Æthelhere would take up arms with Penda and other sub-Mercian nobles against the Kingdom of Northumbria. This coalition would meet to fight the much smaller army of King Oswiu at the Battle of Winwaed (near Cock Beck, Yorkshire). Between the two opposing armies was a river with burst banks from torrential rainfall. Though Oswiu was vastly outnumbered, he ensured that the invading forces would have to cross the deep overflowing river before they could attack his ranks. It was a tactical success, with many Mercian and East Anglian warriors falling victim to the strong river currents. Æthelhere and Penda would also become casualties of this catastrophic defeat.   

  [caption id="attachment_318" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Re-enactment Battle. Photographer: Jakub T. Jankiewicz. Flickr, https://flic.kr/p/WiCmNa[/caption]  

Not long after the battle, Æthelhere's brother, Æthelwold (or Æthelwald), would take his place as sovereign. If Æthelwold were to look at his family's track record, he would not have had much hope for the future. Since the death of Rædwald, the Christian monarchs of this newly converted kingdom had all failed miserably by dying in unfavourable conditions. It is easy to suggest that Æthelwold would have refrained East Anglia from any military campaigns, especially with their arch-rival Mercia. Like the majority of his predecessors, he was a good Christian. Like his brother, Anna, he would promote the faith by sponsoring a royal baptism in Rendlæsham—this time being King Swithhelm of Essex. Sadly, an unseen terror far worse than an invading army would strike at the heart of Æthelwold's lands. It would come in the form of a plague that spread across Europe and claimed countless lives. East Anglian peasants, clerics and nobles all fell victim to the disease. A crown can grant power and riches, but it can not give the wearer immunity to deadly illnesses. As a result of the outbreak, Æthelwold would die in 664, leaving no direct heirs to take his place.

 

The man to take his place would be Æthelwold's nephew. His name was Ealdwulf (or Aldwulf), and in 664, he was enthroned as ruler over the East Angles. He was the son of Hereswitha, a Northumbrian princess, and the late King Ecgric, who died alongside Sigeberht in combat against the Mercians. From infancy, Ealdwulf had an astute observation as he recalled the Christo-Pagan temples constructed by his grandfather, Rædwald. Seeing this would have left an imprint on the young royal, and even then, he would have likely known the significance of the temples. With his father's death and the absence of his mother residing in a royal Frankish oratory, Ealdwulf would have to mature quickly and independently.  

A good notion is—unlike his predecessors—he would have been inspired by Rædwald's legacy of success and longevity. Ealdwulf would have kept lawful order and protected his kingdom's borders through strength and diplomacy. He minted East Anglia's first coinage while expanding his enterprise throughout his lands via economic trading hubs at Theodford (Thetford, Norfolk), Hunigstán (Hunstanton, Norfolk), Rendlæsham, Gippeswic, Burgh Castle and the Fenlands. He consolidated diplomatic relations with Mercia by supporting and protecting its future king, Æthelbald, who sought political asylum in the East Anglian Fens. [caption id="attachment_319" align="alignleft" width="433"] Sunset over arable farmland in Barrow, Suffolk, England. Credit: Nigel Wallace. Source: istock[/caption] During his sovereignty, the East Anglian diocese would halve after another plague that blighted the land in 660. It took the lives of most high ranking ecclesiastical members within the domain, only sparing Bishop Brigisus (or Boniface). Together with ministerial powers, Ealdwulf would exact religious reforms and declarations by creating a new diocese seat in Helham (North Elmham, Norfolk). Pope Sergius would highly regard Ealdwulf in a letter with Æthelred of Mercia and Aldfrith of Northumbria exhorting their approval of Berhtwald, Abbot of Reculver, to be the next Archbishop of Canterbury. Ealdwulf fathered two children with an unknown queen; they had a boy named Ælfwald, who would be heir, and a girl named Ecgburga, who would become an abbess. Ealdwulf would die in 713. His reign of 49 years made him one of the longest-ruling kings in Anglo-Saxon history. His son, Ælfwald, became king that same year in 713. Ælfwald, whose name mystically translates from Old English as 'Elf-Ruler', would have paternal similarities in his governance style. He progressed East Anglia's commerce through the continued development of the trading port at Gippeswic and the further minting of royal embossed coins. As an unequivocal Christian stemming from his religious background, Ælfwald would maintain strong relations with the faith and its notable members. A good insight into Ælfwald's character and intellect comes from a letter he wrote during his reign in the mid 8th century to the now Archbishop Brigisus (Boniface). The letter demonstrates his skills in statesmanship and academia through the use of Latin prose: 'To the most glorious lord, deserving of every honour and reverence. Archbishop Boniface, Ælfwald, by God's gift endowed with kingly sway over the Angles, and the whole abbey with all the brotherhood of the servants of God in our province who invoke Him, throned on high, with prayers night and day for the safety of the churches, greetings in God who rewards all. First of all we would have thee know, beloved, how gratefully we learn that our weakness has been commended to your holy prayers; so that, whatever your benignity by the inspiration of God commanded concerning the offering of masses and the continuous prayers, we may attempt with devoted mind to fulfil. Your name will be remembered perpetually in the seven offices of our monasteries; by the number seven perfection is often designated. Wherefore, since this has been well ordered and by God's help the rules for the soul have been duly determined and the state of the inner man is provided for, the external aids of earthly substance, which by the bounty of God have been placed in our power, we wish to be at your will and command, on condition, however, that through your loving kindness you have the assistance of your prayers given to us without ceasing in the churches of God. And just as the purpose of God willed thee to become a shepherd over His people, so we long to feel in thee our patron. The names of the dead and of those who enter upon the way of all flesh, will be brought forward on both sides, as the season of the year demands, that the God of Gods and the Lord of Lords, who willed to place you in authority over bishops, may deign to bring His people through you to a knowledge of the One in Three, the Three in One. Farewell, until you pass the happy goal. Besides, holy father, we would have thee know that we have sent across the bearer of the present letter with a devout intention; just as we have found him faithful to you, so wilt thou find that he speaks the truth in anything relating to us.' Translated by Edward Kylie, English Correspondence. (Translated from Latin to English) Ælfwald kept a good relationship with his powerful neighbour, Mercia, and its king, Æthelbald. This peaceful association between the two kingdoms was due to a previously mentioned act of benevolence by Ælfwald's father, Ealdwulf. At the time of Ealdwulf's reign, the current ruler of Mercia was King Ceolred. Contemporary chroniclers claimed that Ceolred was unjust, sinful and deranged. Understandably, this made him unpopular among his Mercian countrymen! For reasons specifically unbeknown, he oppressed and exiled his second cousin, Æthelbald, who fled in search of safety to the East Anglian Fens in Crowland. With Ealdwulf's support and protection, he lived in Crowland with a hermit named Guthlac, who would later be venerated as a saint and was also part of the royal Mercian bloodline. Guthlac died in 714, followed by Ceolred in 716, making Æthelbald the new king, thus, transforming the Mercian kingdom into a powerhouse. Though he was now highly established in the Anglo-Saxon world, Æthelbald never forgot his debt to the East Anglian royal line and Guthlac. Subsequently, after obtaining the Mercian crown, he became the benefactor of a newly built monastery at Crowland in memory of Guthlac. He retained amity with Ealdwulf and later Ælfwald, and as an acting Bretwalda, he consolidated East Anglia's position through an alliance with Mercia. [caption id="attachment_320" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Crowland Abbey, Lincolnshire. Photographer: Baz Richardson. Source: Flickr, https://flic.kr/p/2jaQiVN[/caption] Ælfwald championed a renowned monk and scholar named Felix to perform the task of writing a book in celebration of Saint Guthlac. The title of the book was titled: Life of Guthlac. In the book, Felix depicts Guthlac's journey from being a famed Mercian warrior and noblemen to a reclusive holy man, who acted as both saviour and mentor to many—most notably, Æthelbald. The underlying significance of the book goes beyond Guthlac's hallowed tale and Felix's eloquent prose. As the books benefactor, Ælfwald may have learnt to appreciate its power and value. Words can create stories; stories can create ideas; ideas can often change history far more effectively than warfare. Ælfwald's sensibility on such matters could have motivated him to endorse an epic poem that would become an essential piece of early English literature. The said fictional poem is titled Beowulf and takes place during the 6th century in pre-Christian Scandinavia. In the story, Beowulf is a renowned warrior from Geatland (now named Götaland, a regional area in modern-day Sweden). He and a band of fellow Geats travel to Denmark to help King Hrothgar and his Danish subjects to fight the monster Grendel who has been attacking the mead hall at Heorot. Beowulf mortally wounds Grendel after cutting off his arm. Following the monster's death, Grendel's demonic mother also assaults the mead hall and is likewise bested by Beowulf. He subsequently returns home to Geatland, where he is crowned king of the Geats and reigns for fifty years until he is fatally injured after defeating a dragon in combat. His faithful subjects pay their respects by burning his body on a ceremonial pyre. After the funeral, a tomb tower is built in his memory to signify his prestige as a warrior. [caption id="attachment_321" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Viking Battle. Photographer: James Gunn. Source: Flickr, https://flic.kr/p/62MDXh[/caption] The date of the poem's publication is highly disputed, but it is possible to have been during the 8th century within Ælfwald's palace walls at Rendlæsham. Despite being written in Old English, the piece appears to be a very Scandinavian affair as it features no Anglo-Saxon characters and locations. However, the tale hints at a Scandinavian connection to the East Anglian bloodline as there are ancestral nuances that link the Wuffingas with the fictional 'Wulfings' ('wolf clan') of East Geatland. Thus, it would appear that the writer of Beowulf is subtly affirming Ælfwald's eminence and pedigree as king of East Anglia. A rudimentary but non-the-less shrewd example of propaganda during the early medieval era.

Compared to other Anglo-Saxon royal lines and kingdoms, the Wuffingas and East Anglia still had a close traditional affiliation with Scandinavia. Another reliable indicator of this connection (aside from the creation of Beowulf) is that the East Anglians performed a ship-burial rite, like the ship burials of Sutton Hoo (Woodbridge, Suffolk) and Snape cemetery (Aldeburgh, Suffolk). Though such customs are comprehensively considered Germanic, the practice is more associated with Northern Germanic (Nordic) culture. In Pagan lore, boats play a crucial role in funeral rites by representing a safe voyage into the afterlife on the same vessel that aided the deceased's journey through life. 

[caption id="attachment_322" align="alignleft" width="346"] Viking Ship. Photographer: Askjell Raudøy. Source: Flickr, https://flic.kr/p/xifUBv[/caption] Like many other incredible journeys, the journey of the Wuffingas had to come to an end eventually. The death of Ælfwald in 749 also marked the end of a prominent dynastic timeline that spanned nearly three hundred years. Ælfwald could have had an heir, but we can not know for sure. As the last true Wuffingas king, Ælfwald had ruled the realm for 36 years, a good kingship spell for the time. Though he failed to match his father's impressive length of rule, he did manage to replicate a period of prosperity and security in East Anglia. Not an easy feat to achieve in a time of warring rival kingdoms and deadly omnipresent diseases! East Anglia would continue to survive despite being conquered by the Mercians in 794. In 869, the realm would later be incorporated into the Danelaw area following The Great Heathen Army invasion. It ceased to be an independent kingdom in 918 when Edward the Elder amalgamated the region with the rest of England. Though the Wuffingas exist in name only, it would be remiss to believe that their successors sacrificed East Anglia's past for the sake of England's future. Instead, it would be better to see the Wuffingas legacy as an embellishment to English history and culture for years to come. [caption id="attachment_323" align="aligncenter" width="1024"] Flag of East Anglia. Author: Oren neu dag, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons, File:Flag of East Anglia.svg - Wikimedia Commons[/caption]   Author: Thomas Davies

Refs: 

 

Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England, Barbara Yorke. London and New York: Routledge (2002). 

 

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Michael Stanton. London: Routledge (1997).

 

Handbook of British Chronology (3rd ed.). Fryde, E. B.; Greenway, D. E.; Porter, S.; Roy, I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1986). 

 

Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ed. and tr. Colgrave, Bertram; Mynors, Roger AB. Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Oxford Medieval Texts. Oxford: Clarendon Press (1969).

 

Roman Britain and Early England: 55 B.C. - A.D. 871. Peter Hunter Blair (1966).

 

Anglo-Saxon England, Frank Shelton. New York: Oxford University Press (1988). 

 

"The Anglian Collection of Royal Genealogies and Regnal Lists", D.N. Dumville. Anglo-Saxon England. Cambridge Journals Online (1976).

 

"East Anglia". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.), Hugh Chisholm. Cambridge University Press (1911). 

 

English Correspondence, Being for the Most Part Letters Exchanged Between the Apostle of the Germans and his English Friends, Edward Kylie. London: Chatto & Windus (1911).

 

Beowulf: An Introduction to the Study of the Poem, Raymond Wilson Chambers. The University Press (1921). 

 

The Origins of Beowulf: And the Pre-Viking Kingdom of East Anglia, Sam Newton (1993). 

 

Nennius: "Historia Brittonum" [9th century]. In Giles, J. A. (ed.). Old English Chronicles. London: George Bell (1906). Retrieved 15th October 2011.

 

Felix's Life of Guthlac, B. Colgrave, ed. Cambridge University Press (2007).

 

Ipswich from the First to the Third Millennium, Keith Wade. Ipswich: Wolsey Press (2001).

 

British Monarchs: the Complete Genealogy, Gazetteer, and Biographical Encyclopedia of the Kings & Queens of Britain, Michael Ashley. London: Robinson (1998).

 

The Earliest English Kings, D.P. Kirby. London and New York: Routledge (2000). 

 

On the Ruin of Britain Book [10th Century], Gildas. Ferenity Publishers L.L.C (2009). 

Anglo-Saxon Land and Titles Series: 01# The Mark and Markmen

 

The Mark and Markmen

Image by Adrian Walmsley https://flic.kr/p/2aVNJcd

 

The original principles of settlement regarding the Anglo-Saxons conquered or contested territories of Britannia (England) in the 5^thcentury, rests upon two main foundations established by their Germanic heritage; first, the possession of land; secondly, the distinction and privileges attached to the titles of rank; together, the public law of every Teutonic tribe implies both principals are more or less dependent upon each other. 

The modus operandi regarding the first foundation, the possession of land, was known as the ‘Mark System’; this system was the introduction of the Teutonic method of holding and cultivating the land; and is a social institution which rests upon the freemen having equal partnership in the tenure and cultivation of land. The word attributed to this system, ‘Mark’, is considered to have a twofold meaning attached to it; first, a division of territory belonging to a settlement that was originally developed by tribal kindred known as the Mægth, commonly spelt mæ̂gþ in Old English; secondly, the legal jurisdiction of public law , written or understood, which attempted to protect the inhabitants guarantee of life, honour, and peaceful possession of land; historian John Mitchell Kemble’s The Saxons in England stated “these are the incunabula, first principles and rudiments of English law”. 

A Mark is a self-governing community which is decentralised from the Anglo-Saxon race at large; only with the initiation of growing Marks will we start to see a shift in governance with Marks coalescing into a Gà or scīr (a district identified with a shire), or coalescing into a kingdom – both divisions being achieved through rival subjugating of superior Marks or united into common unions. 

Originally the word ‘Mark’ was more commonly expressed by the word ‘March’ or ‘Mearc’ in Old English; the definition meaning ‘boundary’ or ‘sign of a boundary’ and therefore, in its simplistic term, signified a borderland between tribes, and/or a neutral/buffer zone under joint control between neighbouring Marks. Today’s spelling of the Kingdom of ‘Mercia’ took its name from the West Saxon word ‘Mearcian’, meaning ‘determine boundaries’ or ‘fix boundaries’. ‘Mięrce’ is another variant spelling of Mercia or Mercians. Albeit a popular interpretation of Mercia includes ‘boundary folk’ or ‘men of the Marches’ – considering that the frontiers of the Kingdom’s western borders lay parallel to the Welsh Marches. Even though Old English had four main dialects with different variations of the word denoting ‘Mercia’, under Wessex supremacy of the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, the language of government and literature become standardised of the West Saxon dialect, therefore today’s spelling of ‘Mercia’ deriving from ‘Mearcian’.

The land within the territory of a Mark belongs entirely to a community of a tribe or Nation (Mægth), who annually allotted the arable land among kindred freemen, also referred to as Markmen, while having common rights to the pastures consisting of the forest and meadows. At the centre of a Mark would typically be a clearing where the Mægth would establish a settlement for farming; enclosed by a thick belt of forest or waste which signified the separation of boundaries or acted as a form of a natural bulwark which protected the communityfrom rivals. 

Originally the surrounding forest was under the protection of the Anglo-Saxon gods, and their solemn religious ceremonies at first enacted limitations where its sanctity must not be violated. Although its indivisibility of being render as a Bulwark, and of its utility as a pasture, the encroachment of Christianity eventually destroyed or diminished the holiness of the forest, consequently making it easier for the growth of Marks to start clearing the forest for the purpose of productivity – transforming the cleared forest into folcland (public land) or as a source of private land for the Markmen. The custodians were bound in maintaining the newly cleared section of forest and therefore must not be encroached upon; if forest-trees sprung up due to neglect by the occupant, the cleared land once again returned to its natural state of a forest, and, as such, subject to all common rights of the Markmen, whether in pasture, land reserved for hunting, or estovers.

The sanctity of the forest, as its name denotes, was also distinguished by marks or signs; trees of peculiar size and beauty with carved figures of birds and beasts, or perhaps even with runic characters, operated for the purpose of limitations and definition, also known as a mark-tree: striking natural features, for instance, a hill, a brook, a rock, or an artificial mound of an ancient warrior, warned an intruder to abstain from dangerous territory, or taught the herdsmen how far he might advance with impunity. In the wetlands or other water bodies, poles were placed within them and were the equivalent to a mark-tree of the forest; removing them was deemed impious. 

Other Old English words denoting a boundary include: mearcbēceb – meaning boundary beech; mearcbrōc – meaning boundary brook; mearcbeorg – meaning boundary mound; mearcdęnu – meaning boundary valley; mearcdīc – meaning boundary ditch; mearctrēow – meaning boundary tree; mearcweg – meaning boundary road; and mearcwięlle – meaning boundary stream. 

As earlier described, the settlers of a Mark were originally founded by the Mægth; a fellowship bounded by a community of families or households who rallied under an officer of its own lineage and appointment. They served together as military adventures whose custom was to distribute the spoils of war as a reward for their valour and military service. 

Although the Mægth is considered a warband of warriors, or a comitatus as described in the monograph by Roman historian Tacitus titled Germania (Latin: De Origine et situ Germanorum); and in Julius Caesar’s memoir The Gallic Wars (Latin: Commentarii de Bello Gallico); under settled principles, the union of great families or households, depending on the size of the Mark, could rally in an emergency a respectable force into the field; in general a hundred heads of houses would protect the rights and privileges of the Marks inhabitants, but not necessarily always consisting of a hundred. 

They were referred to as Markmen and incorporated households of various degrees of wealth, rank and authority; some were in direct decent from a common ancestor, or a hero from a particular tribe; others more distinctly related through the natural growth of the population but drifted further apart from the original stock: whether admitted into communion by marriage, adoption, or emancipation from serfdom; all were recognized as a brotherhood or kinsmanship. They stood together as one unit who followed the same leaders and were known to themselves and neighbours by one general name, which was usually attached to their settlement’s placename. Further details of marks relating to placenames are in volume I of Kemble’s The Saxons in England appendix A:

https://archive.org/details/dli.granth.40846/page/448/mode/2up

The Markmen occupied the allodial and private estates of the Mark and were considered to come from noble stock among the Mægth. They were independent within their own limit but were sufficient in their own support and defence. They seized full power of authority to regulate their own affairs which seemed conducive to their own advantage; they also administered justice among themselves according to public law; and without their consent no man could settle in its territory, build a home, or purchase a share of another. 

Kemble appropriately called them ‘The Court of the Markmen’ whose service to such a court was not less the duty, than the high privilege of the free settlers. He further commented in regards to the continent, that the jurisdiction of the Germanic Marks inferred in many cases that the later courts of the great landowners had been in fact the first Markcourts, in which, by either inheritance or election, a Lord was the first Markmen and the patron or defender of the simple freemen. Therefore, the old Markcourt are considered the predecessor of a Lord’s court. 

As every Mark became a political entity: the Markmen had a place in the assembly of the Marcourts. From what we can gather from earlier historians is that the Mark System operated as the earliest form of local governance among the Anglo-Saxons, which encompassed the arming of its own defence, administration of its own laws, and regulating its own affairs within accordance to the distinction and privileges of the various ranks of its inhabitants: which incorporated the classes of the noble, the free, and the serf. Although the Mark was originally a voluntary association of kindred freemen, they strictly maintained the Mark System and excluded all who were not born or adopted into the institution. In Old English Markcourt is spelt Mearcmót, meaning “place where the assembly of a district was held”; while a Mearcbeorh, appears to denote a hill or a mound as the site of the court’s assembly.

Although the Mark System was introduced into England as far back as the 5^th century, its principles and modus operandi has left a forgotten foundation which has shaped English society and its institutions. Today’s England may not be an exact imprint, however, it is disingenuous to suggest that England was civilized under the iron first of the Roman Empire who subjugated the backward-knuckle-dragging Brittonic Celts into the so-called ‘civilized world’. 

Indeed, the Romans did influence the Brittonic Celts, for example their laws, governance, and engineering. However, the Brittonic Celts already had roads, settlements, art, a superior connection with nature, or displayed heroic military defiance: one notable act for example was the repelling off Julius Caesar’s first invasion, which resulted in their chariots having a detrimental impact on Caesar’s Legions. Only the resourcefulness and meticulous administration of an empire helped forge and maintained the legions of Rome into a well-disciplined army, who eventuality annexed England into a province.

The next era of history in the forefront of ‘civilizing’ England, came in 1066 when the Normans implemented the feudal system and later introduction of the code of chivalry. Never mind the fact, you can find the bases of the Norman feudal system in the Mark System; or how duty and honour towards kinship was entrench into Anglo-Saxon society long before chivalry was introduced, especially that the code of chivalry was a combination of the militant Old Testament of Christianity and Teutonic heroic values – Christianity and Teutonic heroic values was already in Anglo-Saxon society. 

If we take a deeper look at the Anglo-Saxons, not just todays watered-down-cherry-picked version of a handful of prominent kings, the heptarchy; or them being overshadow by the Viking invasions and 1066; the once-loved Anglo-Saxons in the minds of the intelligentsia of the 1800’s, where some might say were guilty of romanticizing the Anglo-Saxons, or maybe I’m just as guilty as the Georgians and Victorians; nevertheless, we can’t negate what influences the Anglo-Saxons and their Germanic heritage had installed within the English Nation, including the Mark System and its Markmen.

Author: Jimmer of Wessex

Sources:

The Saxons in England – volume I by John Mitchell Kemble

The Constitutional History of England – volume I by William Stubbs

English Constitutional History by Thomas Pitt Taswell-Langmead

A History of England under the Anglo-Saxon kings – volume II by Benjamin Thorpe

The Student's Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon by Henry Sweet

https://infogalactic.com/info/Mark_system